Percy Alport Molteno is in 1861 gebore as die tweede seun van sir John Molteno, die eerste Kaapse eerste minister (1872-78). Ná 1878 spandeer sir John sy tyd as ‘n vooruitstrewende boer in Beaufort-Wes. Percy spandeer sy kinderjare op sy pa se landgoed in Claremont, Kaapstad. Hy ontvang sy skoolopvoeding aan die Diocesan College (Bishops) in Rondebosch. Daarna studeer hy aan die Universiteit van die Kaap van Goeie Hoop en behaal akademiese eerbewyse aan die Trinity College, Cambridge, waarna hy as advokaat kwalifiseer.
Percy Alport Molteno
Hy keer in 1886 terug na Suid-Afrika waar hy ‘n regspraktyk in Kaapstad stig. Die Kolonie het egter nie ‘n tekort aan talentvolle regslui gehad nie en kompetisie was straf, dus neem Molteno se praktyk ‘n tydjie om op dreef te kom. In 1889 trou hy met Elizabeth Currie, dogter van die skeepsmagnaat sir Donald Currie, met wie hy bevriend geraak het as student in Engeland. Hy is ‘n vennootskap aangebied deur sy skoonpa, wat hy na oorweging aanvaar het. Dit het behels dat hy in Londen woonagtig moes wees en het dus die Kaap verlaat. Hy bly egter in kontak met sy familie en wye vriendekring, wat verskeie van Suid-Afrika se invloedryke mans insluit.
Sy siening van die Suid -Afrikaanse politiek word gevorm deur twee groot temas. Hy was ‘n sterk voorstander van koloniale selfregering, en die tweede groot tema spruit uit sy kennismaking met en die liefde vir die Kaaps-Hollanders. Hy het gesien hoe Engels en Nederlands onlosmaaklik in Suid -Afrika verbind word, en hy het geglo dat daar mettertyd ‘n vorm van nouer vereniging tussen hulle sou kom. Verder het hy geglo dat die groot vrae in die land deur die permanente inwoners opgelos moes word en nie deur politici en amptenare in Londen nie.
Onze Jan Hofmeyr
In die jare na die Anglo-Boere oorlog onttrek Molteno van skeepshandel en fokus sy tyd en geld op die na -oorlogse humanitêre pogings in Suid -Afrika. Hy was woedend oor lord Kitchener se gebruik van verskroeide aarde taktieke en konsentrasie kampe teen die Boere. Hy gaan voort met sy werk wat hy tydens die oorlog saam met Emily Hobhouse begin het – om die gruweldade bloot te lê en instellings te stig om die oorlewendes te rehabiliteer.
In 1906 word hy lid van die Britse parlement, waar hy sy posisie gebruik om volle verantwoordelike regering aan die gewese republieke toe te ken. Die stigting van die Unie van Suid-Afrika moes vir Molteno die vervulling van sy ideale gebring het, maar dit het in werklikheid politieke ontnugtering en persoonlike vervreemding meegebring.
John X Merriman
Beide hierdie beginsels is in die laat 1890’s deur nuwe kragte in die Suid-Afrikaanse situasie – verpersoonlik deur Rhodes, Chamberlain en Milner – bedreig. Hy ondersteun sover moontlik die vredesparty van Schreiner, met figure soos J.H. Hofmeyr (“Onze Jan”), J.W. Sauer en John X. Merriman. Oorlog het tog uitgebreek, en hy was onomwonde “Pro-Boer”.
‘n Voorbeeld van P A Molteno se handskrif – ‘n Brief op 31 Junie 1901.
Op ‘n persoonlike vlak het Uniewording die lang veldtog wat die regering teen die monopolie van die “Union-Castle Shipping Line”, sy skoonfamilie se besigheid waarvan hy self ‘n groot aandeelhouer was, ter sprake gebring. Die duidelike vyandigheid van die Unieregering, wat die manne ingesluit het wat hy in hul tyd van nood gehelp het, was ‘n ernstige knou vir sy vertroue.
Union-Castle skepe in Kaapstad hawe – Vroeg 1900’s
Die daaropvolgende verkoop van Molteno se skeepsbelange het hom finansieel daartoe in staat gestel om sy tyd aan Britse en internasionale, sowel as humanitêre aangeleenthede te wy. Sy bande met Suid-Afrika het egter verswak. Hy het kontak behou met sy familie in die Kaap en met een of twee publieke figure, maar die glorie het verdwyn. Hy sterf in 1937, en in ‘n boodskap van meegevoel het die eerste minister van die Unie, generaal Hertzog, hulde gebring aan “die groot openbare dienste” wat hy aan Suid -Afrika gelewer het.
‘n Biografie is deur ‘n vriend opgestel, maar is nooit gepubliseer nie weens die uitbreek van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog. Totdat so ‘n biografie verskyn, moet hierdie seleksie van korrespondensie dien as ‘n laat en onvoldoende gedenkteken.
UITTREKSEL UIT DIE TEKS
To W. P. Schreiner
I7.5.I900
My dear Schreiner
I can well understand that you are all being sorely tried by the deplorable circumstances in which you find yourselves; and as you are aware you all have my most profound sympathy in your troubles.
I cannot help regretting that the whole matter was not brought into the position of a constitutional struggle when your Parliament met last year and had the opportunity of repudiating the interpretation put on things by the High Commissioner in his despatch of May 4th. The ignorance here, even of members of parliament, is profound, and a constitutional struggle there would have roused him [sic] to enquire what it was about. [Indecipherable] I am not one of those who do not believe that compensation is possible for abandoning your constitutional privileges, and “obsta principiis” should be applied to the existence to [sic] the attack on them.
You now have the virtual suspension of responsible government and that is both unconstitutional and illegal without an Act of the Imperial Parliament.
It is very difficult to judge of these matters at a distance and without full information; but it seems to have been not sufficiently realised that a colonial premier has a duty in representing a colony as a separate entity, and only while he represents the people who put him in that position can he remain premier. He is no mere servant of the Crown at the choice of the latter. For my meaning see p. 10 of pamphlet herewith, where I have marked the passage to which I refer, where my father states the position he successfully took up; and see also p. 15 for another case and the remedy.
With very kind regards
Yours very sincerely
P.A. Molteno
To Dr. F. C. Kolbe
24.5.1900
Sir
I would have written you long since but pressure of necessary work has hitherto prevented me.
It would be difficult for me to say how much I appreciate the noble stand you have taken up on this great question of the war, and further how much I am in sympathy with what you write and have written in the South African News.
You have certainly put your finger on the cause of all our troubles when you show how poor South Africa has been made the sport of men who are mere birds of passage and who seek only to make as much out of her as soon as possible and then go, regardless of the true and permanent interests of the country which has treated them well. Our country is committing a hideous choice and blunder — she is in large measure misled, though a large party who should know better and act differently are pursuing this hateful policy of force and fraud; and one sees how the noble ideal one had formed of one’s country’s acts and aims is shattered and lies in the dust. This is a terrible experience, more than enough of evil for any one lifetime.
Your idea of an association of those who think as we do is excellent and should take shape. There is an Australian Natives Association, but such a name would be misunderstood with us.. How would some such name as The South African-born Union do? We have fine material to work with and to be a basis of action outside the centres of the large towns, where the ignorance of the country people is appalling. The youth of the country are sound and of a very fine spirit.
Geredigeer deur Vivian Solomon
Departement van Ekonomiese Geskiedenis
Universiteit van die Witwatersrand